For advocates of border security there was Tom Tancredo, and for those wanting to return to an American First trade policy, Duncan Hunter was their man.
Christian conservatives had a handful of candidates to choose from, as those Evangelicals wishing to combine social conservatism and dispensationalism had Sam Brownback and Fred Thompson, while faith-based voters geared more toward social justice had Mike Huckabee.
Mitt Romney was appealing to the moderate conservative who added a pinch of electability in their electoral decision, while Rudy Giuliani was the moderate to liberal Republican's dream come true. The GOP even had an anti-war, free market defender of individual liberty candidate in Ron Paul, a man who is still running to this day.
The only problem, though, is that the 2008 Republican primary presented a Frankenstein façade; no one candidate truly embodied the faith of the conservative fathers. Rather, each candidate became one ingredient in a conservative cake that would never make it to the baker's rack.
The result is John McCain, who, even though he flirts with conservative leanings, is a far cry from the conservative champions of yesterday. And he is a candidate who has yet to unite his party.
James Dobson has refused to support him, Rick Santorum has questioned his conservative credentials, Dr. Paul is still kicking, and Bob Barr is already running a third party candidacy sure to tap into the remnants of the Ron Paul Revolution. In other words, conservative contempt abounds.
And why shouldn't it? Mr. McCain has been anything but a friend to conservatives.
He placed his own presidential ambitions on the chopping block to advocate open borders and lambasted conservatives as xenophobic last June. And even though he made a mea culpa on the issue, now, with the nomination in hand, he is back to touting "comprehensive immigration reform," code for amnesty.
The Arizona senator has made global warming a central pillar of his campaign and recently reminded Americans of his strong support of Israel when his head popped out at AIPAC's convention earlier this week.
He is an unapologetic supporter of failed free trade agreements and tells manufacturing workers their jobs are never coming back.
His McCain-Feingold bill limited the ability of pro-life organizations to impact elections, while Mr. Santorum, in a sarcastic jab to Mr. McCain, stated last year, "He may be pro-life, but I served with him for 12 years, and I know how pro-life he is." Thus, it is only natural for conservatives to be disgruntled and, therefore, playing footsie with Mr. Barr, a champion of the Clinton impeachment.
But this temptation to either run into the arms of Mr. Barr or sit on the electoral sidelines must be resisted for one reason: the Supreme Court. Mr. McCain has pledged to appoint judges in the mold of Sam Alito and John Roberts, a pledge that must be considered and easily absolves him of his other sins against the faith.
With four Supreme Court Justices over 70 and Roe v. Wade hanging in the balance, it is more true today than it has ever been that the High Court may be on the verge of tossing Roe on the judicial ash heap.
This author is fully aware the Supreme Court has long been the carrot dangled before pro-lifers in the past. And because the lives of the 4,000 children terminated every day are what drive the pro-life movement, pro-lifers have voted for Republicans since the dark day Roe was handed down.
What has their loyalty produced? Political cowardice.
Under the presidency of George W. Bush, when Republicans still controlled the Congress, the personhood bill, a measure that would constitutionally overturn Roe, died. The Republican leadership refused to touch it.
When Mr. Bush was set to nominate a Supreme Court justice, the centerpiece of his pro-life support, he nominated Harriet Meyers. It took a grassroots revolt to slap sense into Dubya.
So if Mr. Bush, who most would concede is more of a social conservative than Mr. McCain, would attempt to sneak one by the pro-life movement, how on earth can pro-lifers believe Mr. McCain, a man who has already backtracked on immigration? The truth of the matter is it can't.
But if the Arizona senator is elected, it can take a page from the Meyers playbook and at least have a 50-50 shot in influencing the nomination. Those odds could very well result in the pardon of thousands of unborn children.
What do America's unborn babies get with Barack Obama?
"Throughout my career, I've been a consistent and strong supporter of reproductive justice, and have consistently had a 100 percent pro-choice rating with Planned Parenthood and NARAL Pro-Choice America."
Joe Murray can be reached at jmurray@thebulletin.us.

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